A Tale of Two Executions: An Apology to Troy Davis


The president of the NAACP issued a statement describing that organization’s futile efforts to stop the public murder of Troy Anthony Davis by the state of Georgia. “We fought hard… (with) protests, rallies and vigils… (and we fasted and prayed….” The “oldest and largest civil rights organization” beseeched and entreated while an utterly indifferent Georgian “justice system” took revenge on the Black man, yet again. Of course, it had nothing to do with finding the real murderer of the White police officer he was accused of killing, and everything to do with an American tradition described by University of Alabama professor Clarence Cason:

(T)his conviction that the black man must now and then be intimidated, in order to keep him from forgetting the bounds which southern traditions have set for him, is firmly rooted in the consciousness of many southern people. So unquestioned is this philosophy that at times lynchings are planned and carried through—not under the fierce compulsion of mob hysteria—(but) by men who have calmly resigned themselves to the performance of a painful duty, which, according to their lights, is necessary for the good of society.

On the same day that Georgia performed its “painful duty” our other “powerful Black leader,” President Obama, was hustled into New York to appeal to the United Nations on behalf of a brutal Israeli regime hell-bent on continuing its genocide against the REAL owners of that land, the Palestinians. So consumed was our first “Black president” by his solemn duty to his Jewish masters that he would not offer even a single word of support for Troy Davis. His White spokesperson lectured Davis’s advocates, saying that “it is not appropriate for the president of the United States to weigh in on specific cases like this one.”

Though it was “appropriate” for him to “weigh in” on behalf of a specific foreign apartheid-practicing country 5,900 miles away! Thousands of Caucasians around the globe, including the pope and a former U.S. president, spoke up for Troy Davis, but our Black president (having earned the title with 97 percent of the Black vote) felt it more important to represent Israel’s wishes even as the state of Georgia readied to plunge the lethal booster into Brother Troy’s innocent Black body.

So why is it that a century and a half out of slavery our two most “powerful” leaders—the leader of the NAACP and the United States President—are ineffectual to stop the Georgia state-sanctioned lynch mob from committing such wicked exploits in 2011? Why is it that a nondescript assemblage of bureaucrats at the State Board of Pardons and Paroles (its offices located ironically on Martin Luther King Drive) could simply disregard the appeals of our Black leaders?

The answer is found in three century-old incidents buried in the history of America—two involving Jews in the South, and the other, the Chinese in the West. All highlight just why Blacks have been left totally without justice in 2011. In 1913, the Jews of Georgia were so completely in control of the ECONOMY of that Jim Crow state that its justice system did not dare apply the same laws to the Jews as it did to Blacks or to poor Gentile Whites.

One of the important Jewish leaders in Atlanta was B’nai B’rith president Leo Frank, who one day tried to rape a 13-year-old employee at the factory he ran for his uncle. And in the process he killed her. This ghastly crime would have instantly earned any perpetrator a new address at the nearest sturdy tree limb—but this murderer was a Jewish man. And because of the sheer economic power of Leo Frank’s Georgia brethren, he actually received a trial—the longest and most expensive in the state’s history. Despite overwhelming evidence against him, Frank was allowed to string out the Georgia justice system for more than two years, and in the course of that time, he tried to pin his crime on two Black men.

The jury of rank-and-file Georgians convicted Frank, but the economic power that the Jews wielded ensured that everyone from the police detectives to the governor himself handled Frank with kid gloves. Even the three Atlanta daily newspapers, fearing the loss of advertising revenue from Jewish businesses, disregarded the evidence to favor Frank in their coverage. The governor of Georgia, bowing to incredible international Jewish pressure, commuted Frank’s well-deserved death sentence to life imprisonment. Frank was sent to a country club prison, from which he fully expected to be quietly released in just a few months.

Ultimately, White Gentiles, disgusted with the spectacle, snatched Frank from his prison cell and lynched him. But the state of Georgia’s handling of the case proved the state was completely beholden to the ECONOMIC clout of the Jews and feared reprisals by those powerful Jewish bankers, manufacturers, and retailers that kept Georgia’s economy in motion. In the meantime, during the course of Frank’s trial, dozens of Black men and women were lynched and castrated and hundreds beaten often for no crime at all—and without even the expectation of seeing a Georgia courtroom.

In 1925, a North Carolina Jewish businessman named Joseph Needleman went on a date with a Gentile girl, and at gunpoint, she claims, he raped her. When local White men found out, they beat him up and castrated him. And though Blacks were routinely assaulted and murdered for far less of an offense (for example, eleven Black men were castrated at one time in North Carolina just for supporting the Republican Party), this case involved a Jewish man. The incident, therefore, took on a significance that led all the way to the governor’s office, and beyond.

North Carolina revved up its moribund “engines of justice” and hunted down Needleman’s attackers. And for the first time in the state’s history, they actually brought a lynch mob to trial. The rape charge was dropped against the Jewish man, but ten members of the mob that assaulted him went to prison for long terms, and the rest were severely fined. According to a Jewish historian who examined the case, “the motivation for the governor’s prompt action had little to do with Needleman and more to do with concern that failure to act would raise the ire of northern bankers and investors.”

The growing textile industry in North Carolina was dependent on Jewish investors like the Cone Brothers, who owned six cotton mills in that state alone. Jewish bankers on Wall St., including the Lehman Brothers, the Kauffmans, and the Sangers, kept the state’s economy in working order from their offices high atop Wall Street, and they were the driving force behind “equal justice” in 1925 North Carolina—plain and simple.

Are we starting to get the picture?

The Chinese in turn-of-the-century San Francisco had developed a remarkable niche in the state’s economy and had acquired prime real estate near the San Francisco Bay. The earthquake and fire of 1906 leveled the city’s structures, so Whites and Jews in power seized upon the chaotic aftermath to try to evict the Asians and restrict them from rebuilding their destroyed neighborhood.

A city official named Abraham Ruef told his colleagues that “the Chinese must not be allowed to return to the desirable area that Chinatown occupied.” Their plot was thwarted but only after the Chinese government threatened economic retaliation if the plan materialized. Whites abandoned their scheme and San Francisco’s Chinatown is now the largest outside of Asia and one of California’s main tourist attractions.

Around the time of these events, in 1909, our “best White friends”—the Jews—had formed the NAACP and told us to seek “equality” through an alien strategy they invented called “non-economic liberalism.” That’s right—they insisted on a specifically “NON-ECONOMIC” approach to solve our Black problems if we wanted their legal assistance and financial backing. Enough of us went for this okie-doke to overcome and supplant our indigenous leaders like Booker T. Washington and Marcus M. Garvey who were all about economic development. So it was then that “civil rights”—integration, voting, marching, legislating, suing, and protesting—became our empowerment “strategy.”

The Most Honorable Elijah Muhammad, the patriarch of the Nation of Islam, warned us of this “hypocritical trick” played on us by these so-called White liberals—who, themselves, had never practiced and would never practice integration.

As a consequence of pursuing a century of an incredibly naïve “integrationist” stratagem, Georgia fears NOTHING from the Black man. Troy Davis was destroyed because we could not threaten to destroy Georgia’s credit—we have no banks. We could not withhold investment in the state—we have no investment houses. We could not threaten to relocate our Black manufacturing base to another state—it is nonexistent. Our African brethren could not threaten to cease U.S. business operations in their nations—we have no substantive connection to them. The only actual economic response which we might deploy—boycotting the state—is not even being suggested by the NAACP. Prayers, petitions, vigils, entreaties and supplications are all we have to offer our fallen brother Troy.

For our total failure to perceive what real power is, we owe Troy Davis a century’s worth of apologies.